“Carlos lost the war, but he won several battles that will help future defendants,” said criminal law expert Fernando Hideo. “He forced Lava Jato to tighten its chain of custody. That is a legacy.” One of the longest-running threads in Mariz de Oliveira’s career is the unsolved killing of Celso Daniel, the mayor of Santo André (São Paulo state) and a rising star of the Workers’ Party (PT). Daniel was kidnapped and murdered in 2002. For nearly two decades, the case languished, plagued by false leads and allegations that the PT itself had covered up links to organized crime.
Mariz de Oliveira took the brief. His defense was characteristically procedural: he argued that the accusations relied on hearsay testimony from politically motivated witnesses and that the impeachment process violated due process rights. While Maia was ultimately acquitted in the criminal case (though he left the mayor’s office politically wounded), the defense strategy became a template—attack the source, not just the substance.
Mariz de Oliveira joined Cabral’s legal team in 2017, just as public outrage peaked. The decision was explosive. Cabral was widely reviled—nicknamed “the governor of the toll” for allegedly charging contractors for every public work. Many lawyers had refused the case. Mariz de Oliveira did not hesitate. carlos mariz de oliveira teixeira .pdf
“He never calculated the public relations cost,” recalls a former associate who asked to remain anonymous. “If a client had been demonized by the press, Carlos would lean in harder. He saw media conviction as the first form of illegal punishment.” Mariz de Oliveira’s first major public crucible came with Cesar Maia, the economist and politician who served as mayor of Rio de Janeiro (1993–1996) and later as governor of Rio state. Maia was a polarizing figure: praised for fiscal austerity but accused of shady privatization deals. When allegations of contract fraud in the city’s cleaning services (Comlurb) emerged, Maia faced impeachment proceedings and criminal probes.
His critics say he has laundered reputations for oligarchs. His admirers say he has kept the flame of due process alive through two dictatorships (military and populist) and one anti-corruption frenzy. “Carlos lost the war, but he won several
“He taught me that a prosecutor’s narrative is not evidence,” Maia would later say in a rare public thanks. “Carlos dismantles stories, not just facts.” The attorney-client relationship with Maia would span two decades. When Maia became governor of Rio de Janeiro (2007–2010), new corruption allegations emerged involving overbilling in infrastructure contracts. Again, Mariz de Oliveira stepped in. And again, he won acquittals or dismissals in multiple cases, often on technical grounds: expired statutes of limitation, illegally obtained wiretaps, or lack of direct evidence.
By a contributing legal affairs writer
Legal scholars point to these cases as illustrations of Mariz de Oliveira’s signature move: he does not necessarily prove innocence; he proves the state’s case is inadmissible. “He is a defender of the cathedral,” wrote law professor Juliana Bello in a 2018 analysis. “He believes that if the state violates its own rules, even a guilty person must walk free. That is not cynicism. That is classical liberalism applied to criminal law.” If the Maia cases made Mariz de Oliveira a regional name, the Sérgio Cabral affair made him a national lightning rod. Cabral, the former governor of Rio de Janeiro (2007–2014), was arrested in 2016 as the central figure in “Operation Car Wash” ( Lava Jato ), the largest corruption probe in Brazilian history. Prosecutors alleged Cabral led a criminal organization that extracted over R$200 million in bribes from construction companies.